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The positive cultural social and economic changes in china between the 20th and 21st centuries

Many of these attempts to apply an historical lens engage in gross simplifications and misreadings of the relevance and meaning of hundreds of years of Chinese thought and behavior.

A brief history of China’s economic growth

China is often viewed, incorrectly, as if it existed as a monolithic whole over centuries, possessed the same political and security outlook at each stage of its development, and behaved as a modern nation state does today.

In particular, some observers blithely assert that China always sought to dominate its world in hard power terms, often succeeded in doing so, and will naturally seek such a position of dominance in the future.

The reality is much more complex and nuanced. In the pre-modern era, Chinese security behavior varied enormously from dynasty to dynasty and between periods of strength and weakness. The variation was so extensive that some China historians believe it is impossible to make any meaningful generalizations about traditional Chinese foreign policy and security behavior, much less apply those lessons to the present and future. Indeed, many historians firmly believe that the emergence of nation states and the rise of nationalism in China in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, as well as the effort to build a strong, prosperous, and modern state and society together offer a far more relevant and reliable context for understanding current and future Chinese security behavior than does the pre-modern era.

So, how does history influence Chinese thought and behavior today, and how it might it do so as Chinese power and influence grow in the future?

  • Loneliness was the most common word these children used to describe their feelings, increasing risk for depression through social isolation;
  • In seeking to explain systematic cultural variations in these value dimensions, Hofstede found a striking correlation of 0;
  • Seeing his opportunity, Deng seized power and brought younger men with his views to power;
  • The result has been dramatic social, cultural, and economic shifts impacting the daily lives of Chinese people;
  • The site contains great resources for future reference on Hong Kong and its situation;
  • As long as they remained divided, they constituted no threat; however, when they were under strong leaders, able to forge a united nomadic empire challenging the dominance of the Chinese, there were confrontations.

The lessons of history are reflected in three sets of attitudes: Click here to subscribe for full access. They believe that China belongs in the front ranks of the major powers, certainly in Asia, and in some respects globally as well. While many Chinese value the greater freedoms they are enjoying under the reforms, many, probably most, remain acutely fearful of domestic political and social chaos of the type experienced in the modern era, i. For many Chinese, the experience of domestic chaos is closely associated with the depredations inflicted on China by the imperialist Western powers and Japan in the 19th and early 20th centuries the so-called century of humiliation.

Moreover, for many Chinese, Western personal and political freedoms, in a huge country like China, with massive numbers of low income and poorly educated citizens, high levels of corruption and a weak civil society, can spell chaos. They are not inclined, either historically or culturally, to endorse a Western, liberal democratic, divided-power political system.

This belief is changing among some elements of the more educated urban class in China, but only gradually. For most Chinese, the West still offers only tools for advancements in power and prosperity, not political and social models. Regarding the second set of traits, many years of PRC propaganda and an interpretation of Chinese history provided by statist nationalists whether communist or Chinese nationalist have inculcated in most Chinese the view of a China in the world that is largely peace-loving and non-threatening, oriented toward the defense of its territory and internal development, and more aligned, in its basic interests, with developing states, rather than the advanced industrial democracies.

Third, China is a nation of contradictions. Alongside the above views and sentiments, many Chinese admire the accomplishments of the West and in many ways seek to emulate Western practices, especially in the economic and some social realms. And significant numbers of Chinese admire American freedoms and generally like the American people. For some of the older, educated generation, the pre-1949 history of Sino-American relations provides many examples of positive American behavior toward China.

  • The most basic of these was in the pattern of power delegation;
  • Changes in emotion norms may have prompted changes in which experiences are most salient, leading to shifts in symptom experience and expression;
  • This second perspective has been criticized for ethnocentrism and failing to consider the wider role of globalization Bruce and Yearley, 2006;
  • Elderly people living alone reported higher levels of depression symptoms and a lower of life-satisfaction compared with those living in multigenerational households;
  • Lastly, zeroing in on the mental health consequences of rapid sociocultural change, we examine evidence for the increasing prevalence of mental illness.

In addition, despite identification with the developing world and a strong suspicion of the supposedly arrogant and hegemonistic West, many Chinese take the historical view that the international system is in many ways hierarchical, and that larger, more imposing powers have a duty and responsibility to both guide and shape smaller powers in mutually beneficial directions.

For many Chinese, mutual respect, deference, and responsibility are a significant part of desired interstate behavior. Of course, some Chinese seek to manipulate this concept to serve more pragmatic, sometimes selfish ends.

China: The Influence of History

And at least some Chinese believe that all major powers, including China, have hegemonic inclinations. This is a far cry from the notion of China as a resurgent leviathan bent on dominating Asia and the world beyond. Swaine is a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

  • The rise of Yan from a rather obscure state to a major power probably owed much to its successful adoption of cavalry tactics, as well as to its northern expansion;
  • From the opening of the treaty ports 1842 and the anti-foreign Boxer Rebellion 1900 , to more recent social movements such as the Great Leap Forward 1958—1960 and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution 1966—1976 , the Chinese people are no strangers to social change, or to sudden reversals of fortune.